The American Indian as Participant in the Civil War

By Annie Heloise Abel, Ph.D.

Professor of History, Smith College

1919

XII. INDIAN TERRITORY IN 1863, JULY TO DECEMBER INCLUSIVE

Independence Day, 1863, witnessed climacteric scenes in the war
dramas, east and west. The Federal victories of Gettysburg and
Vicksburg, all-decisive in the history of the great American conflict,
when considered in its entirety, had each its measure of immediate
and local importance. The loss of all control of the Mississippi
navigation meant for the Confederacy its practical splitting in twain
and the isolation of its western part. For the Arkansas frontier and
for the Missouri border generally, it promised, since western commands
would now recover their men and resume their normal size, increased
Federal aggressiveness or the end of suspended. Initial preparation
for such renewed aggressiveness was contemporary with the fall of
Vicksburg and lay in the failure of the Confederate attack upon
Helena, an attack that had been projected for the making of a
diversion only. The failure compelled Holmes to draw his forces back
to Little Rock.

Confederate operations in Indian Territory through May and June had
been, as already described, confined to sporadic demonstrations
against Federal herds and Federal supply trains, all having for their
main object the dislodgment of Phillips from Fort Gibson. What proved
to be their culmination and the demonstration most energetically
conducted occurred at Cabin Creek,[797] while far away Vicksburg was
falling and

[Footnote 797: For an official report of the action at Cabin Creek,
see _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 378-382. While, as
things eventuated, it was an endeavor (cont.)]

Gettysburg was being fought. A commissary train from Fort Scott was
expected. It was to come down, escorted by Colonel Williams who was
in command of the negro troops that Blunt had stationed at Baxter
Springs. To meet the train and to reinforce Williams, Phillips
despatched Major Foreman from Fort Gibson. Cooper had learned of the
coming of the train and had made his plans to seize it in a fashion
now customary.[798] The plans were quite elaborate and involved the
cooeperation[799] of Cabell's Arkansas brigade,[800] which was to come
from across the line and proceed down the east side of the Grand
River. Thither also, Cooper sent a

[Footnote 797: (cont.) to cut off the supply train, there was
throughout the possibility that it might also result in heading off
Blunt, who was known to be on his way to Fort Gibson [Steele to
Cooper, June 29, 1863; Duval to Cooper, June 29, 1863; Duval to
Cabell, June 29, 1863].]

[Footnote 798: Steele to Cabell, June 25, 1863 [_Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, p. 97; _Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part ii, 885].]

[Footnote 799: Steele to Cabell, June 29, 1863 [_Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, p. 105; _Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part ii, 893-894].]

[Footnote 800: Of W.L. Cabell, the _Confederate Military
History_, vol. x, has this to say: "Maj. W.L. Cabell, who had been
sent to inspect the accounts of quartermasters in the department,
having well acquitted himself of this duty, was, in March 1863,
commissioned brigadier-general and requested to collect absentees from
the service in northwestern Arkansas. Given Carroll's and Monroe's
regiments, he was directed to perfect such organizations as he could
..." He collected his brigade with great rapidity and it soon numbered
about four thousand men. Even, in April, Steele was placing much
reliance upon it, although he wished to keep its relation to him a
secret. He wrote to Cooper to that effect.

"Who will be in command of the Choctaws when you leave? Will they be
sufficient to picket and scout on the other side of the river far
enough to give notice of any advance of the enemy down the river? I do
not wish it to be generally known that Cabell's forces are under my
command, but prefer the enemy should think them a separate command;
for this reason I do not send these troops west until there is a
necessity for it; in the meantime the other troops can be brought
into position, where if we can get sufficient ammunition all can be
concentrated. I cannot direct positively, not having the intimate
knowledge of the country, but you should be in a position which would
enable you to move either down the Ark. River or on to the road
leading from Boggy Depot to Gibson as circumstances may indicate.
Let me hear from you frequently."--STEELE to Cooper, April 28, 1863,
_Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 270, pp. 217-218.]

part of his own brigade and at the same time ordered another part
under Stand Watie to go to Cabin Creek and to take such position on
its south bank as to command the crossing. It was a time when the
rivers were all in flood, a circumstance that greatly affected the
outcome since it prevented the forces on the east side of the Grand
from coming to Stand Watie's support. As Foreman proceeded northward
to effect a junction with Williams, he detached some Cherokees from
the Third Indian, under Lieutenant Luke F. Parsons, to reconnoitre. In
that way he became apprised of Watie's whereabouts and enabled to put
himself on his guard. The commissary train, in due time, reached
Cabin Creek and, after some slight delay caused, not by Stand
Watie's interposition, but by the high waters, crossed. Federals
and Confederates then collided in a somewhat disjointed but lengthy
engagement with the result that Stand Watie retired and the train,
nothing the worse for the hold-up, moved on without further
molestation to Fort Gibson.[801]

The action at Cabin Creek, July 1 to 3, was the last attempt of any
size for the time being to capture Federal supplies en route. The
tables were thenceforth turned and the Confederates compelled to keep
a close

[Footnote 801: In describing what appears to be the action at Cabin
Creek, Steele refers to "bad conduct of the Creeks," and holds it
partly responsible for the failure [_Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part ii, 910]. It is possible that he had in mind, however, a
slightly earlier encounter, the same that he described, adversely
to D.N. McIntosh's abilities as a commander, in his general report
[Ibid., part i, 32]. Steele had little faith in the Indian
brigade and frankly admitted that he expected it in large measure,
to "dissolve," if the Confederates were to be forced to fall back at
Cabin Creek [Steele to Blair, July 1, 1863, _Official Records_,
vol. xxii, part ii, 902]. Nevertheless, he anticipated a victory for
his arms there [Steele to Blair, July 3, 1863, Ibid., 903].
From his general report, it might be thought that Stand Watie
disappointed him at this time, as later; but the Confederate failure
was most certainly mainly attributable to the high waters, which
prevented the union of their expeditionary forces [Steele to Blair,
July 5, 1863, Ibid., 905].]

watch on their own depots and trains. Up to date, since his first
arrival at Fort Gibson, Colonel Phillips had been necessarily on the
defensive because of the fewness of his men. Subsequent to the Cabin
Creek affair came a change, incident to events and conditions farther
east. The eleventh of July brought General Blunt, commander of the
District of the Frontier, to Fort Gibson. His coming was a surprise,
as has already been casually remarked, but it was most timely. There
was no longer any reason whatsoever why offensive action should not
be the main thing on the Federal docket in Indian Territory, as
elsewhere.

To protect its own supplies and to recuperate, the strength of
the Confederate Indian brigade was directed toward Red River,
notwithstanding that Steele had still the hope of dislodging the
Federals north of the Arkansas.[802] His difficulties[803] were no
less legion than before, but he thought it might be possible to
accomplish the end desired by invading Kansas,[804] a plan that seemed
very feasible after S.P. Bankhead assumed command of the Northern
Sub-District of Texas.[805] Steele himself had "neither the artillery
nor the kind of force necessary to take a place" fortified as was
Gibson; but to the westward of the Federal stronghold Bankhead might
move. He might attack Fort Scott, Blunt's headquarters but greatly
weakened now, and possibly also some small posts in southwest
Missouri, replenishing his resources from time to time in the fertile
and well settled Neosho River Valley. Again

[Footnote 802: Steele took umbrage at a published statement of Pike
that seemed to doubt this and to intimate that the line of the
Arkansas had been definitely abandoned [Steele to Pike, July 13, 1863,
_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 925].]

[Footnote 803: For new aspects of his difficulties, see Steele to
Boggs, chief of staff, July 7, 1863, Ibid., 909-911.]

[Footnote 804:--Ibid., p. 910.]

[Footnote 805: Steele to Bankhead, July 11, 1863, Ibid.,
921-922.]

local selfishness rose to the surface[806] and Bankhead, surmising
Steele's weakness and that he would almost inevitably have to fall
back, perhaps vacating Indian Territory altogether, became alarmed for
the safety of Texas.[807]

Steele's recognition and admission of material incapacity for taking
Fort Gibson in no wise deterred him from attempting it. The idea was,
that Cooper should encamp at a point within the Creek Nation, fronting
Fort Gibson, and that Cabell should join him there with a view
to their making a combined attack.[808] As entertained, the idea
neglected to give due weight to the fact that Cabell's men were in no
trim for immediate action,[809] notwithstanding that concerted action
was the only thing likely to induce success. Blunt, with

[Footnote 806: Arkansas betrayed similar selfishness. President
Davis's rejoinder to a protest from Flanagin against a tendency to
ignore the claims of the West struck a singularly high note. Admitting
certain errors of the past, he prayed for the generous cooeperation of
the future; for "it is to the future, not to the past, that we must
address ourselves, and I wish to assure you, though I hope it is
unnecessary, that no effort shall be spared to promote the defense of
the Trans-Mississippi Department, and to develop its resources so
as to meet the exigencies of the present struggle" [_Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 932]. Five days afterwards, Governor
Reynolds, in commending Secretary Seddon for a very able ministry,
expressed confidence that his gubernatorial colleagues in Arkansas,
Texas, and Louisiana would, with himself, "act in no sectional or
separatist spirit." It was saying a good deal, considering how strong
the drift of popular opinion had been and was to be in the contrary
direction. However, in August, the four governors appealed
collectively to their constituents and to "the Allied Indian Nations,"
proving, if proof were needed, that they personally were sincere
[Ibid., vol. liii, supplement, 892-894; Moore's _Rebellion
Record_, vol. vii, 406-407].]

[Footnote 807: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 922.]

[Footnote 808: The plans for such concerted action were made as early
as July 8 [Steele to Cooper, July 8, 1863, _Official Records_,
vol. xxii, part ii, 911-912]. Cabell was instructed to take position
between Webber's Falls and Fort Gibson [Duval to Cabell, July 10,
1863, Ibid., 916-917] and more specifically, two days before
the battle, "within 15 or 20 miles of Gibson and this side of where
Gen. Cooper is now encamped on Elk Creek" [Steele to Cabell, July 15,
1863, _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, p. 145].]

[Footnote 809: Steele knew of the deficiencies in their equipment,
however, and of their exhausted state (cont.)]

scouts out in all directions and with spies in the very camps of his
foes, soon obtained an inkling of the Confederate plan and resolved
to dispose of Cooper before Cabell could arrive from Arkansas.[810]
Cooper's position was on Elk Creek, not far from present
Muskogee,[811] and near Honey Springs on the seventeenth of July the
two armies met, Blunt forcing the engagement, having made a night
march in order to do it. The Indians of both sides[812] were on hand,
in force, the First and Second Home Guards, being dismounted as
infantry and thus fighting for once as they had been mustered in. Of
the Confederate, or Cooper, brigade Stand Watie, the ever reliable,
commanded the First and Second Cherokee, D.N. McIntosh, the First
and Second Creek, and Tandy Walker, the regiment of Choctaws and
Chickasaws. The odds were all against Cooper from the start and, in
ways that Steele had not specified, the material equipment proved
itself inadequate indeed. Much of the ammunition was worthless.[813]
Nevertheless, Cooper stubbornly contested every inch of the ground and
finally gave way only when large numbers of his Indians, knowing their
guns to be absolutely useless to them, became disheartened and then
demoralized. In confusion, they led the van in

[Footnote 809: (cont.) [Duval to W.H. Scott, Commanding Post at
Clarksville, Ark., July 8, 1863, _Confederate Records_, p. 133;
Steele to Blair, July 10, 1863, _Official Records_, vol. xxii,
part ii, 917; same to same, July 13, 1863, Ibid., 925].]

[Footnote 810: See Blunt's official report, dated July 26, 1863
[Ibid., part i, 447-448].]

[Footnote 811: Anderson, _Life of General Stand Watie_, 21.]

[Footnote 812: With respect to the number of white troops engaged on
the Federal side there seems some discrepancy between Blunt's report
[_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 448] and Phisterer's
statistics [_Statistical Record_, 145].]

[Footnote 813: See Cooper's report, dated August 12, 1863 [_Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 457-461]. The following references are
to letters that substantiate, in whole or in part, what Cooper said in
condemnation of the ammunition: Duval to Du Bose, dated Camp Prairie
Springs, C.N., July 27, 1863 [_Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no.
268, p. 159]; Steele to Blair, dated Camp Imochiah, August 9, 1863
[Ibid., 185-187; _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii,
961].]

flight across the Canadian; but enough of those more self-contained
went thither in an easterly or southeasterly direction so as to create
the impression among their enemies that they were retiring to meet the
expected reinforcements from Fort Smith.[814]

But the reinforcements were yet far away. Indeed, it was not until
all was over and a day too late that Cabell came up. A tragic sight
confronted him; but his own march had been so dismal, so inauspicious
that everything unfortunate that had happened seemed but a part of
one huge catastrophe. He had come by the "old Pacific mail route,
the bridges of which, in some places, were still standing in the
uninhabited prairies."[815] The forsaken land broke the morale of his
men--they had never been enthusiastic in the cause, some of them were
conscripted unionists, forsooth, and they deserted his ranks by the
score, by whole companies. The remnant pushed on and, in the far
distance, heard the roaring of the cannon. Then, coming nearer, they
caught a first glimpse of Blunt's victorious columns; but those
columns were already retiring, it being their intention to recross to
the Fort Gibson side of the Arkansas. "Moving over the open, rolling
prairies,"[816] Nature's vast meadows, their numbers seemed great
indeed and Cabell made no attempt to pursue or to court further
conflict. The near view of the battle-field dismayed[817] him; for
its gruesome records all too surely told him of another Confederate
defeat.

[Footnote 814: Cooper intended to create such an impression
[_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 460] and he did
[Schofield to McNeil, July 26, 1863, Ibid., part ii, 399-400].]

[Footnote 815: _Confederate Military History_, vol. x, 199.]

[Footnote 816: Ibid., 200.]

[Footnote 817: Cabell might well be dismayed. Steele had done his
best to hurry him up. A letter of July 15 was particularly urgent
[_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 933].]

In the fortunes of the Southern Indians, the Battle of Honey Springs
was a decisive event. Fought and lost in the country of the Creeks, it
was bound to have upon them a psychological effect disastrous to the
steady maintenance of their alliance with the Confederacy, so also
with the other great tribes; but more of that anon. In a military
way, it was no less significant than in a political; for it was the
beginning of a vigorously offensive campaign, conducted by General
Blunt, that never ended until the Federals were in occupation of Fort
Smith and Fort Smith was at the very door of the Choctaw country. No
Indian tribe, at the outset of the war, had more completely gone over
to the South than had the Choctaw. It had influenced the others but
had already come to rue the day that had seen its own first defection.
Furthermore, the date of the Confederate rout at Honey Springs marked
the beginning of a period during which dissatisfaction with General
Steele steadily crystallized.

Within six weeks after the Battle of Honey Springs, the Federals were
in possession of Fort Smith, which was not surprising considering
the happenings of the intervening days. The miscalculations that had
eventuated in the routing of Cooper had brought Steele to the decision
of taking the field in person; for there was just a chance that he
might succeed where his subordinates, with less at stake than he, had
failed. Especially might he take his chances on winning if he could
count upon help from Bankhead to whom he had again made application,
nothing deterred by his previous ill-fortune.

It was not, by any means, Steele's intention to attempt the reduction
of Fort Gibson;[818] for, with such artillery

[Footnote 818: Steele to Blair, July 22, 1863 [_Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 940-941].]

as he had, the mere idea of such an undertaking would be preposterous.
The defensive would have to be, for some time to come, his leading
role; but he did hope to be able to harry his enemy, somewhat,
to entice him away from his fortifications and to make those
fortifications of little worth by cutting off his supplies. Another
commissary train would be coming down from Fort Scott via Baxter
Springs about the first of August.[819] For it, then, Steele would lie
in wait.

When all was in readiness, Fort Smith was vacated, not abandoned;
inasmuch as a regiment under Morgan of Cabell's brigade was left in
charge, but it was relinquished as department headquarters. Steele
then took up his march for Cooper's old battle-ground on Elk Creek.
There he planned to mass his forces and to challenge an attack. He
went by way of Prairie Springs[820] and lingered there a little while,
then moved on to Honey Springs, where was better grazing.[821] He felt
obliged thus to make his stand in the Creek country; for the Creeks
were getting fractious and it was essential for his purposes that they
be mollified and held in check. Furthermore, it was incumbent upon him
not to expose his "depots in the direction of Texas."[822]

As the summer days passed, Cabell and Cooper drew into his vicinity
but no Bankhead, notwithstanding that Magruder had ordered him to
hurry to Steele's

[Footnote 819: Steele to Bankhead, July 22, 1863 [_Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 940]]

[Footnote 820: Duval to A.S. Morgan, July 18, 1863 [Ibid.,
933]; Steele to Blair, July 22, 1863 [Ibid., 940-941].]

[Footnote 821: Steele arrived at Prairie Springs on the twenty-fourth
[Steele to Blair, July 26, 1863, Ibid., 948] and moved to Honey
Springs two days later [same to same, July 29, 1863, Ibid.,
950-951]. On August 7, his camp was at Soda Springs, whither he had
gone "for convenience of water and grass" [same to same, August 7,
1863, Ibid., 956].]

[Footnote 822:--Ibid., 951.]

support.[823] Bankhead had not the slightest idea of doing anything
that would put Texas in jeopardy. In northern Texas sympathy for the
Federal cause, or "rottenness" as the Confederates described it, was
rife.[824] It would be suicidal to take the home force too far away.
Moreover, it was Bankhead's firm conviction that Steele would never be
able to maintain himself so near to Fort Gibson, so he would continue
where he was and decide what to do when time for real action
came.[825] It would be hazarding a good deal to amalgamate his
command,[826] half of which would soon be well disciplined, with
Steele's, which, in some of its parts, was known not to be.

As a matter of fact, Steele's command was worse than undisciplined. It
was permeated through and through with defection in its most virulent
form, a predicament not wholly unforeseen. The Choctaws had pretty
well dispersed, the Creeks were sullen, and Cabell's brigade of
Arkansans was actually disintegrating. The prospect of fighting
indefinitely in the Indian country had no attractions for men who were
not in the Confederate service for pure love of the cause. Day by day
desertions[827] took place until the number became alarming and, what
was worse, in some cases, the officers were in collusion with the
men in delinquency. Cabell himself was not above suspicion.[828] To
prevent the spread of

[Footnote 823: By August third, Bankhead had not been heard from at
all [Steele to Blair, August 3, 1863, _Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part ii, 953]. The following communications throw some light
upon Bankhead's movements [Ibid., 948, 956, 963].]

[Footnote 824: Crosby to G.M. Bryan, August 30, 1863, Ibid.,
984.]

[Footnote 825: Bankhead to E.P. Turner, August 13, 1863, Ibid.,
965-966.]

[Footnote 826: Bankhead to Boggs, August 10, 1863, Ibid., 966.]

[Footnote 827: There is an abundance of material in the _Confederate
Records_ on the subject of desertions in the West. Note
particularly pp. 167, 168, 173-174, 192-193, 198, 204-205 of chap.
2, no. 268. Note, also, _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii,
956.]

[Footnote 828: Duval to Cabell, August 17, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii 969-970.]

contagion among the Indians, his troops were moved to more and more
isolated camps[829] across the Canadian[830] and, finally, back in the
direction of Fort Smith. Ostensibly they were moved to the Arkansas
line to protect Fort Smith; for Steele knew well that his present hold
upon that place was of the frailest. It might be threatened at any
moment from the direction of Cassville and Morgan had been instructed,
in the event of an attack in prospect, to cross the boundary line and
proceed along the Boggy road towards Riddle's station.[831] Steele was
evidently not going to make any desperate effort to hold the place
that for so long had been the seat of the Confederate control over the
Southern Indians.

All this time, General Blunt had been patrolling the Arkansas for some
thirty miles or so of its course[832] and had been thoroughly
well aware of the assembling of Steele's forces, likewise of the
disaffection of the Indians, with which, by the way, he had had quite
a little to do. Not knowing exactly what Steele's intentions might be
but surmising that he was meditating an attack, he resolved to assume
the offensive himself.[833] The full significance of his resolution
can be fully appreciated only by the noting of the fact that,
subsequent to the Battle of Honey Springs, he had been instructed by
General Schofield, his superior officer, not only not to advance
but to fall back. To obey the order was inconceivable and Blunt had
deliberately disobeyed it.[834] It was now his determination to do
more. Fortunately, Schofield had recently changed his mind; for word
had

[Footnote 829: _Confederate Military History_, vol. x, 202.]

[Footnote 830: Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 957.]

[Footnote 831: Steele to Morgan, August, 1863, Ibid., 951;
August 8, 1863, Ibid., 957.]

[Footnote 832: Steele to Blair, August 7, 1863, Ibid., 956.]

[Footnote 833: Blunt to Schofield, July 30, 1863, Ibid., 411.]

[Footnote 834: Blunt to Lincoln, September 24, 1863, Ibid.,
vol. liii, supplement, 572.]

come to him that Congress had decided to relieve Kansas of her Indian
encumbrance by compassing the removal of all her tribes, indigenous
and immigrant, to Indian Territory. It mattered not that the former
had a title to their present holdings by ancient occupation and long
continued possession and the latter a title in perpetuity, guaranteed
by the treaty-making power under the United States constitution. All
the tribes were to be ousted from the soil of the state that had been
saved to freedom; but it would be first necessary to secure the Indian
Territory and the men of the Kansas tribes were to be organized as
soldiers to secure it. It is difficult to imagine a more ironical
proceeding. The Indians were to be induced to fight for the recovery
of a section of the country that would make possible their own
banishment. Blunt strenuously objected, not because he was averse
to ridding Kansas of the Indians, but because he had no faith in an
Indian soldiery. Said he,

There are several reasons why I do not think such a policy
practicable or advisable. It would take several months under the
most favorable circumstances to organize and put into the field
the Indians referred to, even were they ready and willing to
enlist, of which fact I am not advised, but presume they would be
very slow to enlist; besides my experience thus far with Indian
soldiers has convinced me that they are of little service to the
Government compared with other soldiers. The Cherokees, who are
far superior in every respect to the Kansas Indians, did very good
service while they had a specific object in view--the possession
and occupation of their own country; having accomplished that,
they have become greatly demoralized and nearly worthless as
troops. I would earnestly recommend that (as the best policy
the Government can pursue with these Indian regiments) they be
mustered out of service some time during the coming winter, and
put to work raising their subsistence, with a few white troops
stationed among them for their protection.

I would not exchange one regiment of negro troops for ten
regiments of Indians, and they can be obtained in abundance
whenever Texas is reached.

In ten days from this date, if I have the success I expect, the
Indian Territory south of the Arkansas River will be in our
possession ...[835]

Blunt's mind was made up. He was determined to go forward with the
force he already had. Ill-health[836] retarded his movements a trifle;
but on the twenty-second of August, two days after the massacre by
guerrillas had occurred at Lawrence, he crossed the Arkansas. He was
at length accepting General Steele's challenge but poor Steele was
quite unprepared for a duel of any sort. If Blunt distrusted the
Indians, how very much more did he and with greater reason! With
insufficient guns and ammunition, with no troops, white or red, upon
whom he could confidently rely, and with no certainty of help from
any quarter, he was compelled to adopt a Fabian policy, and he moved
slowly backward, inviting yet never stopping to accept a full and
regular engagement. Out of the Creek country he went and into the
Choctaw.[837] At Perryville, on the road[838] to

[Footnote 835: Blunt to Schofield, August 22, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 465.]

[Footnote 836:--Ibid., 466. There seems to have been a good
deal of sickness at Fort Gibson and some mortality, of which
report was duly made to Steele [Ibid., 956; _Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, pp. 192-193].]

[Footnote 837: Steele had crossed the line between the Creeks and
Choctaws, however, before Blunt crossed the Arkansas. On August
sixteenth, he had his camp on Longtown Creek and was sending a
detachment out as far south as within about ten miles of Boggy Depot
[_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 968]. A few days
later, he made his camp on Brooken Creek, a little to the eastward
[Ibid., 972]. By that time, Steele was evidently quite
reconciled to the thought that Fort Smith might at any moment be
attacked and, perhaps, in such force that it would be needless to
attempt to defend it. Cabell was to move to a safe distance, in the
neighborhood of Scullyville, from whence, should there be reasonable
prospect of success, he might send out reenforcements. In the event of
almost certain failure, he was to draw off betimes in the direction of
Riddle's station, where flour was stored [Ibid.,].]

[Footnote 838: On the subject of roads and highways in Indian
Territory, see Ibid., (cont.)]

Texas, his men did have a small skirmish with Blunt's and at both
Perryville and North Fork, Blunt destroyed some of his stores.[839]
At North Fork, Steele had established a general hospital, which now
passed from his control.

Following the unsuccessful skirmish at Perryville, the evening of
August 25, Steele was "pushed rapidly down the country,"[840] so
observed the wary Bankhead to whom fresh orders to assist Steele had
been communicated.[841] Boggy Depot to the Texan commander seemed the
proper place to defend[842] and near there he now waited; but Steele
on East Boggy, full sixty miles from Red River and from comparative
safety, begged him to come forward to Middle Boggy, a battle was
surely impending.[843] No battle occurred, notwithstanding; for Blunt
had given up the pursuit. He had come to know that not all of Steele's
command was ahead of him,[844] that McIntosh with the Creeks had gone
west within the Creek country, the Creeks having refused to leave
it,[845] and that Cabell had gone east,

[Footnote 838: (cont.) vol. xxxiv, part ii, 859; vol. xii, part ii,
997; Sheridan, _Memoirs_, vol. ii, 340.]

[Footnote 839: Blunt to Schofield, August 27, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part i. 597-598; Steele to Snead, September 8,
1863, _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, p. 223.]

[Footnote 840: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 983.]

[Footnote 841: W.T. Carrington to Bankhead, August 22, 1863,
Ibid., 975.]

[Footnote 842: Bankhead to Turner, August 23, 1863, Ibid., 977.
Near Boggy Depot, "the Fort Gibson and Fort Smith roads" forked. At
Boggy Depot, moreover, were "all the stores of the Indian Department."
With Boggy Depot in the hands of the enemy, Bankhead's whole front
would be uncovered [Bankhead to Turner August 20, 1863, Ibid.,
972].]

[Footnote 843: Duval to Bankhead and other commanders, August 27,
1863, Ibid., 981.]

[Footnote 844: Blunt to Schofield, August 27, 1863, Ibid., part
i, 597. He thought, however, that Stand Watie was with Steele but he
was not. He was absent on a scout [Steele to Boggs, August 30, 1863,
Ibid., part ii, 984].]

[Footnote 845: Steele to Snead, September 11, 1863, Ibid., part
ii, 1012.]

towards Fort Smith.[846] It was Fort Smith that now engaged Blunt's
attention and thither he directed his steps, Colonel W.F. Cloud[847]
of the Second Kansas Cavalry, who, acting under orders from General
McNeil,[848] had cooeperated with him at Perryville, being sent on in
advance. Fort Smith surrendered with ease, not a blow being struck in
her defence;[849] but there was Cabell yet to be dealt with.

Steele's conduct, his adoption of the Fabian policy, severely
criticized in some quarters, in Indian Territory, in Arkansas, in
Texas, had yet been condoned and, indeed, approved[850] by General
Kirby Smith, the

[Footnote 846: Cabell's brigade, as already indicated, had had to be
sent back "to avoid the contagion of demoralization." [_Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 983; Steele to Snead, September 11,
1863, Ibid., 1012].]

[Footnote 847: Cloud had arrived at Fort Gibson, August 21 [Cloud to
McNeil, August 22, 1863, Ibid., 466].]

[Footnote 848: John McNeil was commanding the District of Southwestern
Missouri. The orders originated with Schofield [Ibid., part i,
15].]

[Footnote 849: Cabell had taken a position on the Poteau. Steele had
been much averse to his running the risk of having himself shut up in
Fort Smith [Steele to Cabell, September 1, 1863, Ibid., part
ii, 987].]

[Footnote 850: "The general commanding is satisfied that the Fabian
policy is the true one to adopt when not well satisfied that
circumstances warrant a different course..." [G.M. Bryan to Steele,
September 8, 1863, Ibid., 999]. Smith believed in "abandoning
a part to save the whole" [Letter to General R. Taylor, September 3,
1863, Ibid., 989]; but President Davis and men of the states
interested had impressed it upon him that that would never do. It must
have been with some idea of justifying Steele's procedure in mind that
Smith wrote to Stand Watie, September 8th [Ibid., 999-1000].
Watie had lodged a complaint with him, August 9th, against the
Confederate subordination of the Indian interests. To that Smith
replied in words that must have made a powerful appeal to the Cherokee
chief, who had already, in fact on the selfsame day that he wrote to
Smith, made an equally powerful one to his own tribe and to other
tribes. Watie's appeal will be taken up later, the noble sounding part
of Smith's may as well find a place for quotation here.

"I know that your people have cause for complaint. Their sufferings
and the apparent ill-faith of our Government would naturally produce
dissatisfaction. That your patriotic band of followers deserve the
thanks of our Government I know. They have won the respect and esteem
of our people (cont.)]

person most competent to judge fairly; because he possessed a full
comprehension of the situation in Steele's command. Smith knew and
others might have known that the situation had been largely created by
envy, hatred, and malice, by corruption in high places, by peculation
in low, by desertions in white regiments and by defection in Indian.

The Confederate government was not unaware of the increasing
dissatisfaction among its Indian allies. It had innumerable sources of
information, the chief of which and, perhaps, not the most reliable or
the least factional, were the tribal delegates[851] in Congress. Late

[Footnote 850: (cont.) by their steadfast loyalty and heroic bravery.
Tell them to remain true; encourage them in their despondency; bid
them struggle on through the dark gloom which now envelops our
affairs, and bid them remember the insurmountable difficulties with
which our Government has been surrounded; that she has never been
untrue to her engagements, though some of her agents may have been
remiss and even criminally negligent. Our cause is the same--a just
and holy one; we must stand and struggle on together, till that just
and good Providence, who always supports the right, crowns our efforts
with success. I can make you no definite promises. I have your
interest at heart, and will endeavor faithfully and honestly to
support you in your efforts and in those of your people to redeem
their homes from an oppressor's rule...

"What might have been done and has not is with the past; it is
needless to comment upon it, and I can only assure you that I feel the
importance of your country to our cause..."

That Smith was no more sincere than other white men had been, when
addressing Indians, goes almost without saying. It was necessary to
pacify Stand Watie and promises would no longer suffice. Candor was a
better means to the end sought. Had Smith only not so very recently
had his interview with the governors of the southwestern states, his
tone might not have been so conciliatory. In anticipation of that
interview and in advance of it, for it might come too late, some
Arkansans, with R.W. Johnson among them, had impressed it upon
Governor Flanagin that both Arkansas and Indian Territory were
necessary to the Confederacy. In their communication, appeared these
fatal admissions, fatal to any claim of disinterestedness:

"Negro slavery exists in the Indian Territory, and is profitable
and desirable there, affording a practical issue of the right of
expansion, for which the war began..." [July 25, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 945].]

[Footnote 851: Only two of the tribes, entitled to a delegate in the
Confederate Congress, seem to have availed themselves of the privilege
in 1863, the (cont.)]

in May, Commissioner Scott[852] set out upon a tour of inspection,
similar to the one he had made during the days of the Pike regime. On
his way through Arkansas, he stopped at Little Rock to consult with
General Holmes and to get his bearings before venturing again among
the tribes; but Holmes was ill, too ill to attend to business,[853]
and no interview with him was likely to be deemed advisable for some
time to come. Scott had, therefore, to resume his journey without
instructions or advice from the district commander, not regrettable
from some points of view since it enabled

[Footnote 851: (cont.) Cherokee and the Choctaw, which may account
for the persistence with which, in one form or another, a measure for
filling vacancies in the Indian representation came up for discussion
or for reference [See _Journal_, vols. iii, vi]. It became law in
January, 1864 [Ibid., vol. iii, 521]. A companion measure, for
the regulation of Indian elections, had a like bearing. It became law
earlier, in May, 1863 [Ibid., 420, vi, 459]. In the _Official
Records_, fourth ser. vol. in, 1189, _footnote o_, the
statement is made that the name of Elias C. Boudinot appeared first on
the roll, January 8, 1864; but it must be erroneous, since Boudinot,
as the delegate from the Cherokee Nation, was very active in Congress
all through the year 1863. His colleague from the Choctaw Nation
was Robert M. Jones. On December 10, when Indian affairs had become
exceedingly critical, Representative Hanly moved that one of the
Indian delegates should be requested to attend the sessions of the
Committee on Indian Affairs (_Journal_, vol. vi, 520). This
proposition eventually developed into something very much more
important,

"_Resolved_, First, That each Delegate from the several Indian
nations with whom treaties have been made and concluded by the
Confederate States of America shall have and be entitled to a seat
upon the floor of this House, may propose and introduce measures being
for the benefit of his particular nation, and be heard in respect
and regard thereto, or other matters in which his nation may be
particularly interested.

"Second. That, furthermore, it shall be the duty of the Speaker of
this House to appoint one Delegate from one of the Indian nations upon
the Committee on Indian Affairs, and the Delegate so appointed shall
have and possess all the rights and privileges of other members of
such committee, except the right to vote on questions pending before
such committee"--_Journal_, vol. vi, 529. The Speaker appointed
Boudinot to the position thus created.]

[Footnote 852: In February, upon the nomination of President Davis and
the recommendation of Secretary Seddon, Scott had been appointed to
the position of full commissioner [Ibid., vol. iii, 69].]

[Footnote 853: During the illness of Holmes, which was protracted,
Price commanded in the District of Arkansas.]

him to approach his difficult and delicate task with an open mind and
with no preconceived notions derived from Holmes's prejudices.

Scott entered the Indian Territory in July and was at once beset
with complaints and solicitations, individual and tribal. On his own
account, he made not a few discoveries. On the eighth of August he
reported[854] to Holmes upon things that have already been considered
here, defective powder, deficient artillery, and the like; but not a
word did he say about the Cooper[855] and Boudinot intrigues. It
was too early to commit himself on matters so personal and yet so
fundamental. The Indians were not so reticent. The evil influence
that Cooper had over them, due largely to the fact that he professed
himself to be interested in Indian Territory to the exclusion of
all other parts of the country, was beginning to find expression in
various communications to President Davis and others in authority.
Just how far Stand Watie was privy to Cooper's schemes and in sympathy
with them, it is impossible to say. Boudinot was Cooper's able
coadjutor, fellow conspirator, while Boudinot and Watie were relatives
and friends.

Watie's energies, especially his intellectual, were apparently being
exerted in directions far removed from the realm of selfish and petty
intrigue. He was a man of vision, of deep penetration likewise, and he
was a patriot. Personal ambition was not his besetting sin. If he
had only had real military ability and the qualities that make for
discipline and for genuine leadership

[Footnote 854: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1097.]

[Footnote 855: On August 14, Cooper complained to Smith that Steele
had been given the place that rightfully should have been his
[Ibid., 987]. Smith looked into the matter and made his reply,
strictly non-partisan, September 1st [Ibid., 1037]. The
authorities at Richmond declared against Cooper's claims and
pretensions, yet, in no wise, did he abandon them.]

among men, he might have accomplished great things for Indian
Territory and for the Confederacy. Almost simultaneously with the
forwarding of Scott's first report to Holmes, he personally made
reports[856] and issued appeals,[857] some of which, because of their
grasp, because of their earnestness, and because of their spirit of
noble self-reliance, call for very special mention. Watie's purpose in
making and in issuing them was evidently nothing more and nothing less
than to dispel despondency and to arouse to action.

Watie's appeal may have had the effect designed but it was an effect
doomed to be counteracted almost at once. Blunt's offensive had more
of menace to the Creeks and their southern neighbors than had Steele's
defensive of hope. The amnesty to deserters,[858] that issued under
authority from Richmond on the twenty-sixth of August, even though
conditional upon a return to duty, was a confession of weakness and
it availed little when the Choctaws protested against the failure to
supply them with arms and ammunition, proper in quality and quantity,
for Smith to tell them that such things, intended to meet
treaty requirements but diverted, had been lost in the fall of
Vicksburg.[859] Had not white men been always singularly adept at
making excuses for breaking their promises to red?

In September, when everything seemed very dark for the Confederacy on
the southwestern front, desperate efforts were made to rally anew the
Indians.

[Footnote 856: Watie's report to Scott, August 8, 1863 [_Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1104-1105] was full of very just
criticism, but not at all factional.]

[Footnote 857: The appeal to the Creeks, through their governor, is to
be found in _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1105-1106,
and that to the Choctaws and Chickasaws, Ibid., 1106-1107.]

[Footnote 858:--Ibid., 980.]

[Footnote 859: Smith to Principal Chief, Choctaw Nation, August 13,
1863, Ibid., 967; Bryan to Hon. R.M. Jones, September 19, 1863,
Ibid., 1021.]

Proposals[860] from Blunt were known to have reached both the Creeks
and the Choctaws and were being considered, by the one, more or less
secretly and, by the other, in open council. Israel G. Vore,[861]
who had become the agent of the Creeks and whose influence was
considerable, was called upon to neutralize the Federal advances. In a
more official way, Commissioner Scott worked with the Choctaws, among
whom there was still a strong element loyal to the Confederacy, loyal
enough, at all events, to recruit for a new regiment to fight in its
cause.

Nothing was more likely to bring reassurance to the Indians than
military activity; but military activity of any account was obviously
out of the question unless some combination of commands could be
devised, such a combination, for example, as Magruder had in mind when
he proposed that the forces of Steele, Cooper, Bankhead, and Cabell
should cooeperate to recover Forts Smith and Gibson, something more
easily said than done. It was no sooner said than brigade transfers
rendered it quite impracticable, Cabell and Bankhead both being needed
to give support to Price. In charge now of the Northern Sub-district
of Texas was Henry E. McCulloch. From him Steele felt he had a right
to expect cooeperation, since their commands were

[Footnote 860: Steele to Snead, September 11, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1013; Bankhead to Steele, September
15, 1863, Ibid., 1016.]

[Footnote 861: In the spring of 1863, Vore was engaged in disbursing
funds, more particularly, in paying the Indian troops [Steele to
Anderson, April 17, 1863, _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no.
270, pp. 197-198]. In November, 1862, the Creeks had requested that
Vore be made their agent and the appointment was conferred upon him
the following May [Scott to Seddon, December 12, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1095]. The Creeks were inclined to
be displeased at the delay, especially as they later had no reason
to regret their choice [Moty Kanard to Davis, August 17, 1863.
Ibid., 1107]. It was Cooper, apparently, who suggested sending
up Vore to have him work upon the Creeks [Ibid., 1000].]

territorially in conjunction, and to consult with him he journeyed to
Bonham.[862]

Viewed in the light of subsequent events, the journey was productive
of more evil than good. With Steele absent, the command in Indian
Territory devolved upon Cooper[863] and Cooper employed the occasion
to ingratiate himself with the Indians, to increase his influence with
them, and to undermine the man who he still insisted had supplanted
him. When Steele returned from Texas he noticed very evident signs of
insubordination. There were times when he found it almost impossible
to locate Cooper within the limits of the command or to keep in touch
with him. Cooper was displaying great activity, was making plans
to recover Fort Smith, and conducting himself generally in a very
independent way. October had, however, brought a change in the status
of Fort Smith; for General Smith had completely detached the commands
of Indian Territory and Arkansas from each other.[864] It was not to
Holmes that Steele reported thenceforth but to Smith direct. Taken in
connection with the need that soon arose, on account of the chaos in
northern Texas, for McCulloch[865] to become absorbed in home affairs,
the

[Footnote 862 His destination was apparently to be Shreveport, the
department headquarters [Crosby to Bankhead, September 23, 1863.
_Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 268. p. 251].]

[Footnote 863: Cooper's headquarters, in the interval, were to be at
Fort Washita [Ibid.,], where a company of Bass's regiment had
been placed in garrison [Duval to Cooper, July 15, 1863, Ibid.,
p. 145].]

[Footnote 864: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1045.]

[Footnote 865: McCulloch was being greatly embarrassed by the rapid
spread of unionist sentiment and by desertions from his army. The
expedient of furloughing was restarted to. To his credit, be it said,
that no embarrassments, no dawning of the idea that he was fighting
in a failing cause, could make him forget the ordinary dictates of
humanity. His scornful repudiation of Quantrill and his methods was
characteristic of the man. For that repudiation, see, particularly,
McCulloch to Turner, October 22, 1863, Ibid., vol. xxvi. part
ii, 348.]

separation from Arkansas left Indian Territory stranded.

Fort Smith, moreover, was about to become Blunt's headquarters and it
was while he was engaged in transferring his effects from Fort Scott
to that place that the massacre of Baxter Springs occurred, Blunt
arriving upon the scene too late to prevent the murderous surprise
having its full effect. The Baxter Springs massacre was another
guerrilla outrage, perpetrated by Quantrill and his band[866] who,
their bloody work accomplished at the Federal outpost, passed on down
through the Cherokee Nation, killing outright whatever Indians or
negroes they fell in with. It was their boast that they never burdened
themselves with prisoners. The gang crossed the Arkansas about
eighteen miles above Fort Gibson[867] and arrived at Cooper's camp on
the Canadian, October twelfth.[868]

Scarcely had Blunt established his headquarters at Fort Smith,
when political influences long hostile to him, Schofield at their
head,[869] had accumulated force

[Footnote 866: Quantrill's bold dash from the Missouri to the Canadian
had been projected in a spirit of bravado, deviltry, and downright
savagery, and had undoubtedly been incited by the execution of Ewing's
notorious order, _Number Eleven_ [_Official Records_,
vol. xxii, part ii, 473]. That order, as modified by Schofield, had
authorized the depopulating of those counties of Missouri, Jackson,
Cass, Bates, and a part of Vernon, where the guerrillas were believed
to have their chief recruiting stations and where secessionist feeling
had always been dominant. It was at once retaliatory and precautionary
and on a par with the instructions for the removal of the Acadians on
the eve of the breaking out of the French and Indian War. The
banished Missourians have, however, as yet found no Longfellow
to sentimentalize over them or to idealize, in a story of
_Evangeline_, their misfortunes and their character. History has
been spared the consequent and inevitable distortion.]

[Footnote 867: Britton, _Civil War on the Border_, vol. ii, 224.]

[Footnote 868: Quantrill to Price, October 13, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 700-701.]

[Footnote 869: In the matter of domestic politics in Kansas,
particularly as they were shaped by the excitement over the guerrilla
outrages, Schofield belonged to the party of _Moderates_, "Paw
Paws" as its members were called in derision, (cont.)]

sufficient to effect his removal. He was relieved, under Schofield's
orders of October 19, and Brigadier-general John McNeil then assumed
command of the District of the Frontier.[870] Colonel Phillips
continued in charge at Fort Gibson,[871] his presence being somewhat
of a reassurance to the Cherokees, who, appreciating Blunt's energetic
administration, regretted his recall.[872]

Had the Federal Cherokees been authoritatively apprised of the real
situation in the Indian Territory farther south, they need never have
been anxious as to the safety of Fort Gibson. Steele's situation was
peculiarly complex. As private personage and as commander he elicits
commiseration. Small and incapable was his force,[873] intriguing and
intractable were his

[Footnote 869: (cont.) and Blunt, like Lane, Wilder, and others, to
that of the _Extremists_, or _Radicals_. Of the Extremists
the "Red Legs" were the active wing, those who indulged in retaliatory
and provocative outrages. Schofield's animosity against Blunt, to
some extent richly deserved, amounted almost to a persecution. He
instituted an investigation of the District of the Frontier and it was
upon the basis of the findings of the committee of investigation that
he ordered Blunt's retirement [Schofield to Townsend, October 3, 1863,
_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 595-597; Blunt to Curtis,
November 30, 1864, Ibid., vol. xli, part iv, 727-729]. For
evidence of continued animosity see the correspondence of Champion
Vaughan, Ibid., vol. xxii, part ii, 738, 742.]

[Footnote 870: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 666.]

[Footnote 871: For the condition and movements of the Indian
Brigade from November 20, 1863, to December 20, 1863, see _Daily
Conservative_, January 3, 1864.]

[Footnote 872: The resolutions, commendatory of his work, to which
Blunt refers in his letter to Curtis of November 30, were passed by
the Cherokee National Council, October 20, 1863. The text of them
is to be found, as also Chief Christie's letter of transmittal, in
_Official Records_, vol. xxxiv, part ii, 790-791.]

[Footnote 873: Steele reported that on October first he had
"Seminoles, 106; Chickasaws, 208; Creeks, 305; Choctaws, 1,024;
Choctaw militia, 200, and whites, 999" [_Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part i, 34]. Concerning the condition of his entire command,
the best understanding can be obtained from the inspection report of
Smith's assistant inspector-general, W.C. Schaumburg, [Ibid.,
part ii, 1049-1053], October 26, 1863. Schaumburg exhibits conditions
as simply deplorable, Indians poorly mounted, ignorant of drill,
destitute of suitable (cont.)]

subordinates. Of the white force Magruder[874] was doing his utmost to
deprive him, and of the Indian Steele found it next to impossible to
keep account. Insignificant as it was, it was yet scattered here,
there, and everywhere,[875] Cooper conniving at its desultory
dispersion. Instead of strengthening his superior's hands, Cooper was,
in fact, steadily weakening them and all for his own advancement. He
disparaged Steele's work, discredited it with the Indians,[876] and,
whenever possible, allowed a false construction to be put upon his
acts. In connection with the movements of the white troops, is a
case in point to be found. Rumor had it that Bankhead's brigade, now
Gano's,[877] was to be called away for coast defence. Cooper knew
perfectly well that such was not Steele's intention and yet he
suffered

[Footnote 873: (cont.) arms; posts dilapidated; and prominent
tribesmen, like Colonel Tandy Walker, indulging in petty graft,
drawing government rations for members of their families and for their
negro slaves. McCulloch was also of the opinion that conditions in
Indian Territory were pretty bad [_Official Records_, vol.
xxii, part i, 1065], and that the red men were absolutely unreliable
[Ibid., vol. xxvi, part ii, 378].]

[Footnote 874: For Magruder's insolent and overbearing attitude
towards Steele, see his correspondence in Ibid., part ii.
Magruder wanted Indian Territory attached to the District of Texas [p.
295] and was much disgusted that Gano's brigade was beyond his reach;
inasmuch as Smith himself had placed it in Indian Territory and Steele
could retain it there if he so pleased [pp. 349, 369, 371].]

[Footnote 875: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1063,
1065, 1076, 1109.]

[Footnote 876: Cooper's influence was greatest with the Choctaws and
Chickasaws. The Choctaw wavering of which there were numerous signs
[Ibid., 1019, 1024], the disposition of the Choctaw Council
towards neutrality [Ibid., 1042, 1046], which Scott was called
upon to check [Ibid., 1030-1031], and the Choctaw complaint
about the absence or inadequacy of arms [Ibid., 1021] were all
made the most of, in order to accentuate Steele's incapacity for
his task. October 7, the Chickasaw Legislature petitioned for
the elevation of Cooper to the full command in Indian Territory
[Ibid., 1123-1124]. It was, of course, a covert attack upon
Steele.]

[Footnote 877: Dissatisfaction with Bankhead on the part of his men
had been the chief cause of the transfer to Richard M. Gano. Steele
had a good deal of trouble with Gano's brigade as also with Bass's
regiment [See _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, nos. 267, 268].]

the Indians to believe that it was; in order that they might with
impunity charge Steele with having violated their treaty pledges.[878]
To nothing did they hold so rigidly as to the promise that white
troops were always to support Indian.

In the role of Indian superintendent ex officio, Steele had no fewer
difficulties and perplexities than in that of military chief. The
feeding of indigents was a problem not easily solved, if solvable.
In the absence of legislative provision, Hindman had instituted the
questionable practice of furnishing relief to civilians at the cost of
the army commissary and no other course had ever been deemed expedient
by his successors. In July, 1863, Steele had ordered[879] practically
all distribution agencies to be abolished, his reason being that only
refugees,[880] Indians out of their own country, ought, in the
season of ripened and ripening crops, to need subsistence and such
subsistence, being limited in amount and derived altogether from
the army supply, could be most economically handled by the regular
commissaries. As winter approached and the necessity for feeding on a
large scale became again pronounced,

[Footnote 878: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1063-1064,
1064-1065.]

[Footnote 879: "I am instructed by the Gen. Com'dg to direct that
you issue an order abolishing all agencies in the Indian country for
feeding 'Indigents.'

"It is thought that the crops now coming in will be sufficient to
support these people without any further drain upon Govt supplies.

"What little issues are absolutely necessary will be made by
post commissaries."--DUVAL to Lee, July 1, 1863, _Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 268, p. 119.]

[Footnote 880: "I beg leave to recommend to your favorable
consideration the accompanying letter from the Hon. E.C. Boudinot. The
necessity of feeding not only the refugees, but to some extent during
the winter the other Indians, has been recognized by all commanders,
the drouth of last year having cut the crops very short. As the crops
are now maturing I have in a great measure discontinued the issue
except to refugee Cherokees and Osages, both of whom are out of their
own country ..."--STEELE to Smith, July 13, 1863, Ibid., pp.
142-143.]

he was disposed to keep the whole matter still under army regulations
so as to "avoid increasing competition."[881] The army exchequer could
be subsequently reimbursed when specific appropriations for Indians
should be made. Supplies of clothing had naturally to be otherwise
provided for and for those he contracted[882] in northern Texas.
Steele's whole policy with regard to the indigents was subjected to
the severest criticism;[883] for it was based upon the idea that to be
forewarned is to be forearmed. Disappointed speculators and grafters
were chief among his critics and, in spite of all his precautions,
they outwitted him. Peculation appeared on every hand, white sharpers
abounded, and Indians, relatively affluent, subsisted at government
expense.

Another source of embarrassment was developed by the application of
war measures, primarily intended for the states only, to the Indian
country. Indian property was impressed[884] as occasion arose. Very

[Footnote 881: Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863, _Confederate
Records_, pp. 179-180.]

[Footnote 882: Steele to Bryan, November 9, 1863, _Confederate
Records_, chap. 2, no. 267, p. 31. The Reserve Indians had
all along been fed by contract [Steele to Scott, August 7, 1863,
Ibid., no. 268, pp. 179-180]. In the fall, Steele renewed the
contract with Johnson and Grimes [Steele to S.A. Roberts, November 15,
1863, Ibid., no. 267, p. 37] and detailed men from his command,
from Martin's regiment, to assist in its execution [Steele to
McCulloch, November 22, 1863, Ibid., p. 41].]

[Footnote 883: The Creeks were particularly dissatisfied. They claimed
that food and raiment had been promised them, but the source of the
promises Steele was powerless to determine [Steele to Vore, November
20, 1863, Ibid., p. 39]. Indian soldiers on leave seemed to
expect their usual allowances and Cooper, although disclaiming that
he had any desire to "pander to the prejudices" of the natives, was
always to be found on their side in any contention with Steele. To all
appearances, the Indians had Cooper's support, in demanding all the
privileges and profits of regular troops and "all the latitude
of irregular, or partisan" [Steele to Cooper, November 24, 1863,
Ibid., pp. 44-45].]

[Footnote 884: Concerning the request of Steele that cotton and teams
be ordered exempt from impressment, see Steele to Bryan, November
9, 1863. _Confederate Records_, chap. 2, no. 267, p. 31. The
Choctaws had considerable cotton and the question was what was to be
done with it in case of an advance of (cont.)]

frequently was this the case in the matter of transportation
facilities, in that also of negro labor. It was Steele's opinion that
the impressment law and the grain tithe law were not operative as
against the Indians[885] but his necessities forced the practice,
and execution by the army, under his orders, only intensified Indian
opposition to him.

Indian opposition to Steele in tangible form took two directions,
one of which, the advancement of Douglas H. Cooper, has already been
frequently referred to. The other was the advancement of Stand Watie.
During the summer, Stand Watie, as chief of the Confederate Cherokees,
had authorized the formation of a Cherokee brigade,[886] the object
being, the dislodgment of the Federals from Fort Gibson and their
consequent retirement from the Cherokee country. The brigade had not
materialized; but all Stand Watie's subsequent efforts were directed
towards the accomplishment of its patriotic object. Love of country
best explains his whole military endeavor. The enemy in the Cherokee
country he harassed, the enemy elsewhere, he left for others to deal
with. Generally speaking, in consequence, the autumn months of 1863
found Watie hovering around the Arkansas, the Cherokees and their
neighbors with him, while Cooper, almost equally particularistic
because the Choctaws and Chickasaws were his main support, concerned
himself with plans for the recovery of Fort Smith.

[Footnote 884: (cont.) the enemy. Was it to be burnt and the owners
were they to be indemnified [Steele to Anderson, December 9, 1863,
_Confederate Records_, p. 68]? Steele peremptorily forbade
confiscation of Indian property and discouraged any interference "with
the duties of agents, or with the National Council or government of
the tribes" [Steele to Captain J.L. Randolph, enrolling officer, July
7, 1863, Ibid., no. 268, p. 132].]

[Footnote 885: Crosby to A.S. Cabell, October 6, 1863, Ibid.,
no. 267, p. 2.]

[Footnote 886: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1103.]

The fervid patriotism of one leader and the overweening personal
ambition of the other divided the Indians, then, into two camps and it
was but natural that the idea should soon evolve that Indian interests
could be best subserved by the formation of two distinct
Indian brigades. To this idea General Smith, when appealed to,
subscribed;[887] but General Steele was dubious about the propriety of
putting Stand Watie in charge of one of the brigades. "He appears to
exercise," said Steele, "no restraint over his men in keeping them
together, and his requisitions upon the depots seem to be made with
utter disregard of the numbers present or even on his rolls."[888]
General Smith conceived it would be possible, by organizing the
Indians into their own brigades and satisfying them that way, to draw
off the white contingent and make of it a separate brigade, still
operating, however, within the Indian country. To Cooper, the thought
of a separate white brigade was most unwelcome. The Indians could be
an effective force only in close conjunction with white troops. The
separation of whites and Indians would inevitably mean, although not
at present intended, the isolation of the latter and, perhaps, their
ultimate abandonment.

The various proposals and counter-proposals all converged in an
opposition to Steele. His presence in the Indian country seemed to
block the advancement of everybody. Cooper resented his authority
over himself and Stand Watie interpreted his waiting policy as due to
inertness and ineptitude. So small a hold did the Federals really have
on the Indian country that if Steele would only exert himself it could
easily be

[Footnote 887: _Official Records_, vol. 22, part ii, 1055-1056.]

[Footnote 888:--Ibid., 1065.]

broken. But Steele was neither aggressive nor venturesome. His task
was truly beyond him. Discouraged, he asked to be relieved and he
was relieved, Brigadier-general Samuel B. Maxey being chosen as his
successor.[889] Again Cooper had been passed over, notwithstanding
that his Indian friends had done everything they could for him. They
had made allegations against Steele; in order that a major-generalship
might be secured for Cooper and brigadier-generalships for some of
themselves.[890] Boudinot was believed by Steele to be at the bottom
of the whole scheme; but it had been in process of concoction for a
long time and Steele had few friends. General Smith was the stanchest
of that few and even Holmes[891] was not among them.

Obviously, with things in such a chaotic state, military operations
in the Indian country, during the autumn and early winter were almost
negligible.[892] Steele expected that the Federals would attempt a
drive from Fort Smith to the Red River and he collected what forces he
could for that contingency. Little reliance was to be placed upon the
Cherokees since they were intent upon recovering Fort Gibson; but the
Choctaws through whose country the hostile force would proceed, were
the drive made, aroused themselves as in the first days of the war.
They recruited their regiments anew

[Footnote 889: Special Orders, no. 214, December 11, 1863, _Official
Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1094.]

[Footnote 890: Steele to S. Cooper, December 19, 1863, Ibid.,
1100-1101.]

[Footnote 891: Boudinot to Davis, December 21, 1863, Ibid.,
1103.]

[Footnote 892: Steele contended that between the very natural fear
that the Indians entertained that the white troops were going to be
withdrawn from their country and Magruder's determination to get those
same white troops, it was impossible to make any move upon military
principles [Steele to Anderson, November 9, 1863, Ibid.,
1064-1065]. Steele refused to recognize Magruder's right to interfere
with his command [Steele to Cooper, November 8, 1863, Ibid.,
1063-1064].]

and they organized a militia; but the drive was never made.[893]

The only military activity anywhere was in the Cherokee country and it
was almost too insignificant for mention. Towards the end of November,
the Federal force there was greatly reduced in numbers, the white and
negro contingents being called away to Fort Smith.[894] The Indian
Home Guards under Phillips were alone in occupation. With a detachment
of the Third Indian, Watie had one lone skirmish, although about one
half of Phillips's brigade was out scouting. The skirmish occurred
on Barren Fork, a tributary of the Illinois, on the eighteenth of
December.[895] Late in November, Watie had planned a daring cavalry
raid into the Neosho Valley.[896] The skirmish on Barren Fork arrested
him in his course somewhat; but, as the Federals, satisfied with a
rather petty success, did not pursue him, he went on and succeeded in
entering southwest Missouri. The raid did little damage and was only
another of the disjointed individual undertakings that Steele deplored
but that the Confederates were being more and more compelled to make.

[Footnote 893: Steele to Gov. Samuel Garland, Nov. 30, 1863,
_Official Records_, vol. xxii, part ii, 1082. Col. McCurtain
of the Choctaw militia reported to Cooper that he expected to have
fifteen hundred Choctaws assembled by December first [Steele to Cano,
December 2, 1863, Ibid., 1085]. The Second Choctaw regiment
continued scattered and out of ammunition [Steele to Cooper, December
22, 1863, Ibid., 1109]. The Seminole battalion was ordered to
report to Bourland for frontier defence [Duval to Cooper, December 20,
1863, Ibid., 1102].]

[Footnote 894: Britton, _Civil War on the Borde_, vol. ii, 236.]

[Footnote 895: _Official Records_, vol. xxii, part i, 781-782.]

[Footnote 896:--Ibid., part ii, 722, 746, 752.]